Tag: oil prices
Under Trump, 'Predation Economy' Swells As Insiders Scam The Oil Market

Under Trump, 'Predation Economy' Swells As Insiders Scam The Oil Market

At this point it’s almost routine: Almost every time Donald Trump makes a major announcement about the Iran War, that announcement is preceded — sometimes by only a few minutes — by huge and hugely profitable bets in the oil market.

The influential Kobeissi Letter documents the latest example:

BREAKING: According to our analysis, ~$920 million worth of crude oil shorts were taken 70 minutes before an Axios report claimed the US and Iran were near a “14-point” deal to end the war.
At 3:40 AM ET today, nearly 10,000 contracts worth of crude oil shorts were taken without any major news.
This is equivalent to ~$920 million in notional value, an unusually large trade for 3:40 AM ET.
At 4:50 AM ET, just 70 minutes later, Axios reported that the US is “close” to a “memorandum of understanding” to end the Iran War.
By 7:00 AM ET, oil prices had fallen over -12% with these crude oil shorts gaining approximately +$125 million.
Minutes later, Iran launched the “Persian Gulf Strait Authority” and oil prices surged +8%.
What just happened?

As the BBC among others has documented, this isn’t the first time, or the second time, that this has happened. Again and again, just before Trump makes announcements that raise hopes about the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz, one or more “whales,” very large traders, sell large quantities of oil futures, almost instantly reaping big profits as prices fall.

What’s truly remarkable is that this keeps happening even though the pattern has become familiar. This tells us two things: The Trump administration is making no real effort to crack down on whoever is trading using inside information, and these inside traders are operating with a complete sense of impunity, assured that they can get away with it.

The stench of corruption is overwhelming. Yet aside from the raw corruption, these incidents also raise a larger question. The insiders ripped off the parties who sold futures to them at what turned out to be very unfavorable prices to the sellers. What broader damage does this kind of unchecked insider trading do?

There’s both a narrow and a broad answer.

The narrow answer involves economic efficiency. How is the functioning of the economy affected by the realization that somebody — it’s not hard to make guesses, but we don’t know for sure — is trading oil futures based on advance knowledge about what will soon appear on Truth Social or Fox News?

It took me a while to figure this out. But I think I have an answer.

First, ask yourself what purpose is served by the oil futures market. Unlike the prediction markets Polymarket and Kalshi, the oil futures market is not intended to be mainly a vehicle for gambling. Instead, it is a market that serves to reduce risk through hedging.

Here’s how it works. There are people and institutions, such as oil producers, who will need to sell oil at a future date. They want to lock in the price today on those future sales. There are also people and institutions, such as airlines, who have a future need for oil and would like to lock in the price today. Thus the futures market lets both sellers and buyers of oil eliminate a major source of risk – fluctuations in the price of oil. This reduces uncertainty in the economy as a whole.

But what if there are substantial players in the futures market with inside information? Then if you are, say, a corporation trying to lock in the price of oil you plan to buy next month, you may not be making a mutually beneficial deal with future sellers. You may, instead, be played for a sucker — paying what in retrospect will have been an excessive price — by people who know what’s about to appear in the president’s social media feed.

The same could apply to sellers of oil futures, although the examples of insider trading we know about involved Trump insiders getting ahead of falling, not rising, prices.

Either way, the effect of traders’ suspicion that they may be losers in a rigged game will be to make them reluctant to play at all — reluctant either to buy or to sell oil futures. And this will mean losing the risk-reducing benefits of a properly functioning futures market.

Now, insider trading of oil futures probably isn’t big enough to do critical damage to those markets. But it does do damage, which hurts all of us, not just the buyers who got stuck with the immediate losses.

And beyond the narrow economic losses, insider trading on oil is part of the broader rise of what we can call the predation economy.

Under Trump II, corruption runs rampant. Success in business depends not on what you know but on who you know, and there are no rules beyond having — and, obviously, buying — the right connections.

This is bad for everyone who doesn’t have those connections. It’s bad for economic growth. And it undermines the moral basis of the economy and society as a whole. It’s the path of how a country slides into third-world status.

I’ll have much more to say about the predation economy in future posts.


Republicans Collins And Whatley Booked Big Profits From Iran War Oil Spike

Republicans Collins And Whatley Booked Big Profits From Iran War Oil Spike

Two Republicans competing in marquee Senate races appear to be financially benefiting from the war in Iran.

Maine Sen. Susan Collins and North Carolina Republican Michael Whatley have both seen their stock portfolios soar since the war began on February 28, largely because of their investments in oil and gas.

American-produced oil shot up in value after the war disrupted the global oil trade. This has led to a surge in gas prices and increased profits for some oil and gas companies.

The U.S. and Iran entered a two week ceasefire agreement on March 7, but it is unclear if the plan will stabalize the oil market.

Leo Mariana, a research analyst at Roth Capital Partners, told The Guardian that the war has been a “windfall” for energy investors.

Among those investors are Collins and her husband, who reported owning up to $115,000 in natural gas stock on her campaign finance disclosures. This includes shares of ConocoPhillips, that hit a 52-week high on March 26.

Between the start of the war and April 1, Collins profited by up to $24,480 from these investments.

Whatley also owns shares of ConocoPhillips, along with Chevron, Exxon Mobil, Devon Energy, and Shell. His total oil and gas investments are worth up to $1.39 million.

With the help of the war, Whatley has profited by up to $219,660.

Both Whatley and Collins have expressed support for the war in Iran, a stance that risks putting them out of step with most voters. A Pew Research Center survey from March found that 61 percent of voters don’t support the conflict.

Whatley’s Democratic opponent, former North Carolina Gov. Roy Cooper, said on X that the war was “devastating” and unwise.

“Americans fear another costly, drawn-out war that puts our troops in harm’s way and removes focus and resources from needs here at home,” Cooper said. “Americans deserve to know all the long-term objectives of this war, its risks and the exit strategy.”

Collins’ Democratic opponent will be chosen in a June 9 primary.

Reprinted with permission from American Journal News

Ceasefire! What Might This Mean for the Strait, the Markets, and You

Ceasefire! What Might This Mean for the Strait, the Markets, and You

As I suspect you’ve heard, a two-week ceasefire appears to be in place in the war with Iran. That is unequivocally good news, though no one paying attention can breath anything like a sigh of relief, despite the relief rally going on this morning in equity markets, with West Texas Intermediate oil down ~$20 as I write this (which will have moved by the time you read this).

There are more questions than answers and for the (scant) details as we know them, go to any news source you trust. But here are my quick impressions. Hovering over all of them are “What was that for? What did thousands of people have to lose their lives for?”

Let me be unequivocal about this. I’ll be very happy if the parties in this conflict can find the offramp they appear to be seeking. But I fear this will be no occasion for celebration. Iran’s hardline theocracy remains in place, and worse, appears ready to continue their operation of turning the Strait of Hormuz into a tollbooth, which would be a massive cash cow for them. If you’re thinking “the U.S. would never let that stand!” you might be right, but that could well mean the ceasefire ends and the conflict restarts.

My top priority is that nobody else gets killed because of Donald Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu’s aggressions. But I don’t celebrate the arsonist who puts out the fire he started.

With that, a few impressions of where we are. They talk about the fog of war, but what I’m about to try to see through is the fog of this ceasefire, with an econ-more-than-a-geopolitical angle.

—Feeling the Blues in the Strait of Hormuz: A key Iranian condition for the ceasefire is that "safe passage through the Strait of Hormuz will be possible via coordination with Iran’s Armed Forces and with due consideration of technical limitations."

This is bad. To me, and to some press reports, it reads like they’ll ramp up their control of who transits (relative to pre-war), possibly with a cap on traffic, and with a toll (the number $2 million per vessel has circulated for a while).

We don’t know how private shippers will respond, but what choice do they have? At least in the medium term, there's nowhere near enough supply-chain alternatives to move product out into the globe. If this is broadly correct, and if this condition stands, it suggests that a new, post-war SoH transit premium will be added to the price of oil and other goods coming through the Strait, one that will continue to be passed forward to consumers.

—The Way We Were: Will Markets/Oil Just Revert to Prewar Levels/Trends? Unknowable, but, at least re oil, not if the aforementioned premium kicks in. Equity markets, though they trended down toward correction territory, broadly expected Trump to back down, so the relief rally is solidly underway as I write this AM: Here’s the S&P pre-opening futures:

Gas is up this morning ($4.16/gal), and if the oil decline sticks, we’ll have a real-time test of the old rockets/feathers dynamic, where the gas price takes the elevator up and the stairs down.

I’m not in the biz of predicting where markets will go but if the result of this war, as some are predicting, is to crimp the existing supply chain of fossil fuels, it would raise prices and dampen global growth at some margin. But it could also stimulate new activity to find workarounds to this obviously dysfunction choke point, and put more wind power in the sails of renewable energy development. (You know my views on this: as I said to Shalanda Young yesterday, if I were in charge, I’d do the Canadian Shuffle and allow a nice bunch of Chinese EVs into the US, conditional on some degree of tech-transfer and joint production.)

—Will It Stick? I find the fact that the Trump administration is apparently allowing Iran’s 10-point plan to be a starting place for ceasefire negotiations to be very surprising and a symbol of how desperate Trump is for an offramp. He’s gone from promising to end their civilization at 8pm ET to “sure, we’re cool with sitting down to chat about you keeping your nukes and controlling the Strait.” You’ll see what I mean if you look their list.

I’ve been following Tobin Marcus from Wolfe Research on these matters, who writes this morning (with Chutong Zhu):

If the US were outright accepting Iran's 10 points as they're now being reported, this would be a huge surprise and a massive concession, with the US accepting various Iranian red lines and giving up on our own, including on the nuclear file. On the other hand, if defining the 10 points as a "basis for negotiations" does not imply acceptance of those points, then it's unclear how close the two sides really are in the ongoing negotiations. It's a little hard to believe that Trump is accepting anything like Iran's 10 points, and the WH seems to be telling Israel we're doing nothing of the sort, so we lean toward interpreting this as intentional wiggle-room to facilitate an offramp, which raises questions about the likelihood that the next two weeks of negotiations will actually culminate in a permanent deal.

In other words, there’s a tension between Trump’s usual play—break something, declare victory, move on to breaking something else—and accepting what should be unacceptable. And it is impossible to know at this point how that balances out. If you pushed me to take a side, I’d guess he’s more likely to mush up some version of pushing back on the most egregious Iranian conditions and turn tail outta there.

—What Does All This Mean For Regular Folks Just Trying to Go About Their Lives? As you know, this is always my touchstone up in here. Assuming the ceasefire sticks, Strait of Hormuz traffic picks up, and the oil price falls at least part of the way back to its prewar level, the gas price should slowly come down, much as we predicted here. That still cuts meaningfully into real disposable incomes, and, as I’ve been worrying about, lower real wage gains. I’m watching carefully to see how the March headline CPI, out Friday, compares to the most recent pace of mid/low wage growth of 3.4 percent.

But more broadly, for folks just trying to make ends meet, this misadventure in the Middle East is yet another Trumpian own goal kick in their faces. The Trump tariffs, the Trump budget, the Trump war—they’re all making life more expensive for people, which is especially ironic given that those people will tell you that their main economic concern is affordability.

And never forget the opportunity costs: if you’re spending all your time making things worse, you’ve squandered the time you could have spent making things better. Imagine that instead of negotiating a 10-point plan that gives the Iranian regime what they want, we were negotiating a 10-point plan for affordable housing, childcare, and healthcare.

I’ve said it before, including yesterday, so sorry—not sorry—for being repetitious. But any Democrat who seeks to retain and win office that isn’t working to operationalize that contrast needs to immediately get out of the way and make room for someone who will fight their a— off on behalf of these priorities.

Jared Bernstein is a former chair of the White House Council of Economic Advisers under President Joe Biden. He is a senior fellow at the Council on Budget and Policy Priorities. Please consider subscribing to his Substack.

Reprinted with permission from Econjared.


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