When President Donald Trump appointed Federal Housing Finance Agency Director Bill Pulte as the new acting head of National Intelligence, critics were quick to ask what, exactly, a former residential homebuilder knew about international spycraft.

The answer appears to be “nothing.”

Pulte earned Trump’s favor after using his role at FHFA to launch multiple mortgage fraud investigations against some of the president’s most vocal critics, including Democratic Rep. Eric Swalwell of California, New York Attorney General Letitia James, and Federal Reserve Board Governor Lisa Cook.

The Government Accountability Office is currently reviewing Pulte’s investigations as a possible misuse of his office, but that didn’t stop Trump from elevating Pulte to an even more powerful position.

Pulte isn’t the only official Trump has shifted into a position of immense power after a conspicuous show of loyalty. In fact, more government agencies are filling up with acting officials than ever before, including the National Security Agency, the Departments of Justice and Labor, the Office of the Director of National Intelligence, and even the National Archives.

That isn’t an accident. Trump’s second term has been marked by the installation of acting officials to avoid the thorny process of Senate confirmation hearings—a headache Trump has been especially keen to avoid as his relationship with Senate Republicans crumbles.

Pulte’s nomination as acting National Intelligence director is a prime example of how Trump is exploiting the Federal Vacancies Reform Act to undermine the clear intent of the law and to evade Senate transparency.

Unlike other roles, National Intelligence legally requires confirmed directors to have “extensive national security expertise.”

Pulte, the owner of a home construction company with no background in national security or intelligence, certainly falls short of that bar. But as an acting official, he can exercise the full scope of his power—and carry out Trump’s personal wishes—without ever facing a single question about his lack of expertise.

Senate Republicans were already irritated by Trump’s ousting of GOP Sen. John Cornyn of Texas in favor of Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton, who many of them find personally odious.

And when Trump’s rancid $1.8 billion “weaponization” fund was approved, Republicans balked at the thought of defending payouts to Jan. 6 insurrectionists during the heat of the midterm campaign season. GOP Sen. Mitch McConnell of Kentucky denounced the proposal as a “slush fund to pay people who assault cops.”

Last week, Trump quietly abandoned his scheme.

The author of Trump’s $1.8 billion political landmine was none other than acting Attorney General Todd Blanche, another Trump loyalist chosen more for his submissiveness than for any hint of competence.

Despite only having the legal cover to hold his job for another 210 days, the White House is already hatching a plan to let Blanche—and other acting officials—remain in their roles indefinitely. So much for the Senate!

Under normal circumstances, Blanche would be required to leave the acting attorney general role on Oct. 29, which would set up a heated confirmation fight just five days before voters head to the polls. But if Trump “nominates” Blanche for the permanent job without ever moving his confirmation forward, the countdown clock would effectively stop.

That also explains why Trump has failed to nominate any permanent successors for the multiple roles currently being held by his hand-picked acting appointees. Trump is wagering that Senate Republicans, already beaten down by months of brutal polling and the prospect of losing both chambers of Congress in November, will be in no rush to have hearings for Trump’s nominees. He’s probably right.

In place of the transparency and accountability of public hearings, the American people will get only silence and excuses from a White House that long ago stopped caring about any opinion other than Trump’s.

As confirmed officials depart the administration and find themselves replaced with willing functionaries in active roles, Trump only tightens his grip on an executive branch that has increasingly become a weapon of his personal vengeance.

Trump’s demand for more control over the government may satisfy his lust for revenge, but it’s also alienating Republicans from the voters they’ll need to persuade if they want to maintain their congressional majority.

Trump’s slush fund debacle is a reminder that a government full of flunkies may make Trump feel powerful, but it’s a terrible way to get anything done.

Reprinted with permission from Daily Kos