Tag: trump inflation
Inflation Irritation: Are Voters Still Enraged Because Trump Lied About Prices?

Inflation Irritation: Are Voters Still Enraged Because Trump Lied About Prices?

According to Donald Trump, the U.S. economy is doing great. We’re enjoying a huge boom, there’s no inflation, and we’re all getting tax cuts. We have prosperity like nobody has ever seen before.

But it’s probably not news to you that reality doesn’t agree. Inflation was stubbornly elevated even before the Iran debacle, while growth has been sluggish. Jobs for entry-level workers are hard to find while mortgage and car loan rates are up. Gas-pump prices are above $4 on average and around 10 million Americans are projected to lose health insurance by 2028. Yet the one economic variable that stands out, that really is like nothing anyone has ever seen before,is consumer confidence: The long-running University of Michigan index of consumer sentiment just hit its lowest point ever recorded.

And that’s a puzzle. Obviously, I’m no defender either of Trump’s policies or of his lies. But while the U.S. economy isn’t nearly as good as he claims, it’s objectively not bad enough to justify the worst consumer sentiment in history — worse than during the stagflation at the end of the 1970s, worse than in the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis.

Warning: Today’s post is wonkier than usual, at least in tone. It basically ends with a question mark. My main goal today is to share a puzzle with readers and explain why I’m not satisfied with the answers smart people — especially two of my favorite data analysis gurus, Jared Bernstein and G. Elliott Morris — are offering. They argue that it’s all about the level of prices. While that is certainly an important factor, I believe that there is more to the story. I believe that the current extremely negative sentiment is a result of Americans’ correct sense that they have been lied to. To discuss this fully will take a couple of posts. So today I will introduce the puzzle and enlarge on the range of explanations in the next post.

Start with the puzzle: Why are Americans so down on an economy that, while not the greatest, isn’t terrible by the usual measures? This isn’t a new question: Kyla Scanlon coined the term “vibecession” in 2022 for a situation in which people feel bad about an economy that doesn’t look that bad by the numbers. But the puzzle has intensified over time, both because the bad feelings have gotten worse and because the vibecession has been so persistent.

Historically, consumer sentiment tracked objective measures of the state of the economy. In fact, you could predict sentiment fairly well using just one variable: the so-called “misery index,” the sum of inflation and the unemployment rate. Here, using annual averages (and the first three months of 2026) is what the relationship between the misery index and consumer sentiment has looked like since 1990:



You can get an even better fit to pre-Covid consumer sentiment by adding other economic variables, such as the performance of the stock market. But any way you cut it, since 2022 Americans have felt much worse about the economy than conventional economic measures say they “should.” Moreover, that pessimism has gotten worse over time: consumer sentiment is much worse now than it was in 2023 and 2024.

Many observers have attempted to explain these unusually bad feelings by claiming that the economy is worse than it looks, especially for working-class families. Going through those arguments would take me too far afield right now. But let me just say that some of those arguments, like claiming that ordinary workers didn’t share in the post-Covid recovery, are just wrong. Others, like pointing to much higher interest rates on mortgages and other loans, have validity. But they aren’t sufficient to explain why consumer sentiment is now worse than it was under stagflation and mass unemployment.

So what does explain the current dismal consumer sentiment? Both Bernstein and Morris argue that it’s about the price level as opposed to the rate of inflation.

The chart below illustrates what they mean. It shows the log of the Consumer Price Index since 2014. I use the log because this means that a given vertical distance always corresponds to the same percentage change, and the slope of the line shows the rate of inflation:

The U.S. experienced a bout of high inflation in 2021-22, largely because of disruptions to supply chains in the aftermath of Covid, plus fallout from Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. This inflation spurt ended as supply chains became unsnarled and oil prices stabilized, and inflation since 2023 has been only modestly higher than it was pre-Covid. However, prices have never come back down and have remained persistently higher than the pre-2020 trend would have predicted.

And the story is that consumers aren’t fully mollified by the fact that inflation — the rate at which prices are rising — has slowed. They’re angry and upset that the level of prices remains much higher than they expected.

Both Bernstein and Morris find that if one adds a price-level variable to an equation predicting consumer sentiment, it tracks the data well. Morris concludes,

When it comes to how Americans feel about the economy today, whether you are measuring using objective structural price data or the polls, it’s the prices, stupid.

Why am I not fully convinced by this explanation? I have three questions:

First, does correlation imply causation? Consumer sentiment fell off a cliff after 2020. Also, prices surged after 2020. But lots of things changed with Covid. How sure are we that the second observation explains the first? Morris points to other survey data that support the prices to confidence link, but we’re still talking about basically one observation, which is always problematic.

Or to use a bit of jargon, is including the jump in prices in your equation just introducing a dummy variable? That is, is it simply a marker that something changed, but not a clear indication of what?

Second, shouldn’t this story have a sell-by date? The big price surge began five years ago. That’s a long time. Do you remember what groceries cost in April 2021? I don’t, not really. At some point one would expect people to recalibrate their expectations of what things “should” cost. Yet the vibecession is if anything deepening with the passage of time.

Third, what about Morning in America? Joe Biden presided over rapidly falling inflation for the second half of his term, yet received no credit because, we’re told, people were upset that prices hadn’t actually come down. But you know who else presided over falling inflation but a still-rising price level? Ronald Reagan. Here’s what happened to the overall level of consumer prices during Reagan’s first term and the Biden presidency:



The two presidents’ track records on prices were almost identical. Yet Reagan ran a triumphant reelection campaign on the theme that it was Morning in America, while the Biden economy was vilified. What was that about?

Jared is too good an economist to be unaware of this puzzle. He has shared with me a draft of a forthcoming paper with Daniel Posthumus, in which they do indeed find that the level of prices historically didn’t matter the way it seems to now. They suggest that the long era of relatively low inflation since the mid-1980s may have made people more sensitive to price shocks:

Our findings suggest that a huge storm after a long calm can be more upsetting to people who are not used to bad weather.

Indeed. But why has consumer sentiment gotten so much worse over the past year, even as the low prices people remember recede further into the past?

My speculative answer is that it has a lot to do with the lies of 2024. Remember, millions voted for Trump because he promised to reduce grocery prices “on Day One” and promised to cut energy bills in half. Now they know that they were had.

Paul Krugman is a Nobel Prize-winning economist and former professor at MIT and Princeton who now teaches at the City University of New York's Graduate Center. From 2000 to 2024, he wrote a column for The New York Times. Please consider subscribing to his Substack.

Reprinted with permission from Paul Krugman.

Is Trump's Promise To Slash Prices Working Out For You? No? I've Got Receipts

Is Trump's Promise To Slash Prices Working Out For You? No? I've Got Receipts

Donald Trump's assault on our democratic institutions did not stop voters from giving him a second term. The top reason they cited for reelecting him was the economy, notably their unhappiness over high prices.

During the campaign, Trump promised to "bring prices down, starting on Day One." How he would do this was left to our imagination. It seemed something along the lines of using his awesome powers to freeze prices and even make some melt. That and a pack of lies.

Two days back in office, Trump issued a "Fact Sheet" headlined "President Donald J. Trump Delivers Emergency Price Relief for American Families to Defeat the Cost-of-Living Crisis." Oh? Did you feel that instant "price relief" by virtue of Trump simply walking over the White House threshold once again?

His loyal defenders argued that, hey, that's how Trump talks. Give him some time and he'll bring the cost of living to heel. Trump has had well over a year to work his magic, and so let's see how his promises to enrich ordinary Americans have panned out.

— DOGE checks. Remember them? Trump said in February 2025 that he was "considering" a plan to send taxpayers some of the savings achieved by Elon Musk's Department of Government Efficiency. He threw out the number $5,000.

The number of DOGE checks issued: Zero.

— Tariff checks. Come August, Trump floated the idea of sharing the fruit of his trade war with the people. He talked of sending some tariff revenue back to Americans in the form of dividends.

The number of tariff dividend checks issued: Zero.

— Prescriptions 1,500 percent cheaper. Trump's negotiators did get drug companies to "promise" discounts on a small number of drugs. That led Trump to immediately announce something that was demonstrably untrue: "We now are paying the lowest price anywhere in the world for drugs."

Meanwhile, our median price for hundreds of brand-name drugs has risen four percent this year.

Not to quibble with Trump's math, but a 100 percent reduction would drive those drug prices down to zero. A 1,500 percent reduction is a mathematical absurdity.

— Credit-card interest rates capped at 10 percent. On January 10, Trump posted his call for that 10 percent limit on credit-card APRs (annual percentage rates). It was to start 10 days later and last a year. He added a threat to his decree: Credit-card companies would be "in violation of the law" if they didn't lower their rates as ordered. As it happens, presidents don't have the legal authority to force credit-card companies to slash their interest rates.

Spring is here, and the average credit-card APR is about 21 percent. That's higher than 10 percent, don't you think?

— Gas under $2.00. Trump promised that, but the war with Iran is incompatible with cheap gasoline. The U.S. average price for a gallon of regular gasoline currently stands at over $4.00.

— Lower grocery prices. On the campaign trail, Trump said, "A vote for Trump means your groceries will be cheaper." Since Trump returned to office, the consumer price index for "food at home" shows grocery prices up about 2.4 percent. That's not a huge jump, but in no way does it translate into "cheaper groceries."

Former President Joe Biden inherited messed-up supply chains in the wake of COVID. That was the main driver of his inflation numbers, though the stimulus spending didn't help. But when Biden left office, the inflation rate was down to three percent. For the record, it's now 2.4 percent.

There was much I didn't love about Kamala Harris, but Trump's attempt to violently overthrow the results of the 2020 election was the ultimate deal-killer for reelecting him. To me, the sanctity of American elections mattered more than the price of a hamburger. Many others, obviously, disagreed.

Froma Harrop is an award winning journalist who covers politics, economics and culture. She has worked on the Reuters business desk, edited economics reports for The New York Times News Service and served on the Providence Journal editorial board.

Reprinted with permission from Creators.

Inflation Rising As Trump's Confused Economics (And Iran War) Drive Costs Up

Inflation Rising As Trump's Confused Economics (And Iran War) Drive Costs Up

We know Donald Trump gets easily confused. During his campaign, he repeatedly insisted that he would keep us out of a war in Iran. Now, after being in office less than 14 months he started an unprovoked war in Iran. Trump obviously couldn’t remember whether he was supposed to avoid a war in the Middle East or start one.

It seems he is facing the same problem when it comes to inflation and prices. He promised to bring prices down on the first day of his presidency. While inflation had been falling to the Fed’s 2.0 percent inflation target before Trump was elected, it is now close to 3.0 % and looks to be heading higher, and that was even before the impact of his war against Iran.

We got the latest news on this front yesterday when the Bureau of Labor Statistics released February data on import prices. Non-fuel import prices rose by 1.1 percent in the month. Import prices are erratic on a monthly basis, but this followed a 0.8% rise in January. Year-over-year non-fuel import prices are up 2.5 percent.

Prices of all imports excluding fuels since April 2023Source: US Bureau of Labor Statistics via FRED

There are two important issues to keep in mind when thinking about the impact this will have on the inflation households see. The first is that this index tracks prices before any tariffs are imposed. These are the prices charged when goods come off the boat. Trump’s tariffs are added onto these prices.

If exporters were eating the tariffs, as Trump promised us, then import prices would be falling. That is clearly not what we are seeing.

The other important item to note is that these data are for February. That is before the war on Iran sent the price of oil, natural gas, and many other commodities soaring. As bad as the February data look, March is virtually certain to be worse.

This reinforces the story we saw with the February Producer Price Index (PPI). The core PPI rose 0.5 percent in February and is up 3.5 percent over the last year. The relationship between inflation at the wholesale level (the PPI) and the retail level (the CPI) is not one-to-one, but it’s a safe bet that if we see higher inflation at the wholesale level, it will be coming out of consumers’ pocketbooks down the road.

The pickup in inflation is not a surprise; it is a completely predictable result of Trump policies of tariffs, mass deportations, and ad hoc dictates to private corporations (e.g., shutting down windfarms). It is not a story of hyperinflation, as some doomsayers may have forecast, but it is a story of higher inflation that eats into consumers’ purchasing power. That’s what you get when you turn the keys of government over to a confused old man.

Dean Baker is a senior economist at the Center for Economic and Policy Research and the author of the 2016 book Rigged: How Globalization and the Rules of the Modern Economy Were Structured to Make the Rich Richer. Please consider subscribing to his Substack.

Reprinted with permission from Dean Baker.



Turkey Day? This Year, Millions Of Americans Can't Afford Traditional Holiday Meal

Turkey Day? This Year, Millions Of Americans Can't Afford Traditional Holiday Meal

Nearly half of Americans are trading turkey this Thanksgiving for cheaper options like chicken, according to a new report from Defend America Action. It’s just one example of how rising costs are putting a damper on the holiday.

The report was compiled at the behest of more than a dozen Democratic state legislators, who have personally witnessed their constituents cutting corners to make ends meet.

“While Trump and Republicans spend billions bailing out their allies and handing out tax breaks to billionaires, Americans are facing higher prices with fewer resources,” the lawmakers said in a joint statement. “Many Americans will find themselves clipping coupons, cutting costs, and waiting in long lines instead of settling in for a relaxing holiday with family and friends.”

The report found that 57 percent of Americans say that Thanksgiving trimmings are more expensive than last year. They’re not imagining it: turkey prices are up 24 percent, canned cranberries are up 45 percent, frozen peas are up 17 percent, cheddar cheese is up 6.6 percent, and the price of sweet potatoes rose by a staggering 37 percent.

Prices for wine, sugar, and whipped cream are all up as well.

The legislators are right to blame President Donald Trump’s inflationary policies. New tariffs on imported farm equipment, fertilizer, steel, and aluminum have increased production costs for many farmers, leading to higher prices in supermarkets.

Tariffs are essentially taxes on imported goods. The tax is paid by the importer, and the cost is often passed to the consumer. Trump claims he is using tariffs to pressure foreign governments into better trade deals.

The pain has been especially acute for turkey farmers. In March, Trump levied tariffs on animal feed imported from Canada and Mexico, which accounts for more than 60 percent of poultry farmers’ operating costs.

It’s been made worse by the administration’s sluggish response to an avian flu outbreak that has shrunk the American turkey inventory to its lowest level in 40 years.

While some Americans will be cooking chicken, one in ten say they won’t be serving any protein at all, choosing to serve only sides instead. Nearly a quarter plan on cutting portion sizes.

This data undercuts Trump’s claims that Thanksgiving will be more affordable this year. He has repeatedly cited a 25 percent price drop for Walmart’s pre-packaged Thanksgiving meals as proof that he’s bringing costs down. Not only is this an outlier, but Walmart’s offerings are also smaller and include less expensive items than in past years.

It’s not just grocery prices, either. Year-over-year travel costs are up as well, with airfare 3.2 percent more expensive than it was in 2024. The additional costs do not equal more luxury. Airports across the country are bracing for delays and cancellations as they continue to struggle with the fallout from Trump’s Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) staffing cuts and the recent government shutdown.

An estimated 31 million people are expected to fly between November 21 and December 1.

More than half of Americans, according to an Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs poll, rank grocery costs as a significant source of stress in their lives.

Reprinted with permission from American Journal News

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