Tag: ross douthat
Douthat

The Debased Condition Of 'Conservative' Commentary Is Everybody's Problem

Reprinted with permission from DCReport

Readers of The New York Times who expect high-quality diversity on the opinion pages got Ross Douthat’s often lightweight, predictable, and at times logic- and fact-challenged essays. Now he’s leaving for CBS 60 Minutes.

I hope Douthat’s replacement is a first-rate conservative thinker and encourage you to embrace that view.

When self-proclaimed conservative intellectuals fail to rigorously and thoroughly challenge their own, they foster universal mental laxity among all opinion writers.

The problem is that a lot of what passes for right-side commentary focuses on enraging rather than informing, on insignificance, and on distracting from the rapid expansion of domestic surveillance and militarization under a president who claims “the right to do anything I want” under Article II of our Constitution. Of course, that’s a lie, a dangerous lie, which authoritarians on the right embrace.

Overall, right-side American opinion journalism is intellectually flimsy. It is rife with morally bankrupt ideologues who abuse numbers and other facts. At least one prominent far-right pundit, now an American ambassador, is an outright fraud, as I documented in a five-part National Memo series a dozen years ago that exposed reactionaries and radicals posing as conservatives and explained how this hurts us all.

Rigorous right-wing analysis, grounded in facts, would elevate our civic debate.

Instead, we get lightweight and alarmist right-of-center critiques over matters of no consequence, like Obama’s tan suit, that debase the quality of our public discourse. Imagine if that energy were put into dissecting flabby centrist and left columnizing, which would benefit from factual and penetrating rightist critiques.

Every day we get sane-washing of Donald Trump’s delusional, hateful, and incompetent rants, which outside of the United States are reported on in context, even in Middle East countries with dictators friendly to Trump.

What this tells us is that right-wing intellectualism in 2026 America is bankrupt. It has, for now, no ideas to offer, no insights that would open eyes and minds. That’s why we get drivel and distraction.

Journalism, both fact and opinion, should routinely examine ideas, especially those at the core of the policies and practices of our democratic and secular governments. Daily reporting needs informing context, especially its place in the framework of what America is at its core, an idea and an ideal. Opinion writing needs to provide rich depth and context to imbue current events with meaning within the larger scope of 21st century life.

Centrist and progressive op-eds devoted to knocking down silly claims and invented scandals (Obama’s nonexistent Affordable Care Act royalties) spread by far-right pundits divert public square debate from our actual problems, weakening the fabric of our Republic. But for many faux conservatives, that’s the point: make conditions worse, make government incompetent and uncaring, and in this way degrade popular support for democratic self-governance, thus encouraging authoritarianism.

A dozen years after my National Memo series ran, polls are showing just what I warned: many of the young are troubled by democracy as they know it, citing government policies that they recognize as harmful to them, but beneficial to those currently at the top in terms of economics and influence.

Earlier this year, Project Democracy found that “among Gen Z, there is a widespread lack of confidence in how democracy is actually functioning today. Many feel that the system is not meeting their needs or expectations, leading to disengagement, frustration, or even a willingness to explore extreme measures to address their concerns.”

What’s Needed

America needs thoughtful conservatism. Those who actually care about the liberties of the people—about the America that is and could be—foster ethical, honest, and serious conservatism. Doing that requires taking on the posers among their ranks.

Among liberals, we can point to the late Charles Peters, who founded The Washington Monthly, a serious public affairs magazine which broke stories sometimes decades before anyone else. In the early 1970s, for example, the magazine proposed an end to large denominational bills to thwart drug traffickers. Jim Henry, now with DCReport, wrote that piece.

Peters was always calling out his fellow liberals for not carefully thinking through what they wished for. I have yet to find a conservative counterpart to Peters.

Conservatism grounded in Enlightenment ideals of fact, intellectual inquiry, and reason would defend that which works well while vigorously resisting change. It would favor accountability— even strict accountability. It would also insist that change be preceded by pilot projects—with robustly funded evaluations—so that only proposals that have been thoroughly examined and shown to actually improve society are adopted.

Sadly, that is not what we are getting from many self-described conservatives whose bylines appear in our best publications.

Demons and Poltergeists

Consider Rod Dreher, whom I’ve interviewed and who wrote a book about his personal encounters with demons, poltergeists, etc. He continues to be treated as a serious conservative intellectual. The C.S. Lewis (Chronicles of Narnia author) Institute describes Dreher thusly:

Rod Dreher is an American author, journalist, and commentator known for his insights into culture, religion, and politics. He has written extensively for top publications like The American Conservative and National Review and is the author of several influential books, including Crunchy Cons, The Benedict Option, and Live Not by Lies. Beyond his books, Dreher has maintained a strong presence as a columnist and blogger, engaging in public discourse on a range of issues from religious freedom to cultural identity.

Just this month, on July 9, Douthat wrote a New York Times column about this delusional expatriate (Dreher moved to Hungary when Orban became its dictator) as if he were clear-headed.

Here’s a revealing part of that column, taken from Douthat’s video interview of Dreher:

Douthat: I mean, we’ve checked facts with a Ouija board on this show as a rule. But go on.

Dreher: [Chuckles.] No, but I believe that there is a world of the demonic. I’m well acquainted with exorcists and spiritual warfare, and if you know any exorcists and have spent time with them, you know how real this stuff is. I believe that A.I. is going to be used as a vector for the demonic. It’s not to say every instance of A.I. is demonic, but I believe that people will come to see it as an oracle.

Neither Normal Nor Sane

To those who care about facts, this is an insult. For sure, we ought to know how widespread such delusional thinking is, but The New York Times shouldn’t publish this without context.

Douthat, in a video with Vice President JD Vance, also described what both men said was the “miracle” in a bar when a wine glass jumped on its own, crashing on the floor as the converts discussed the attitudes of fellow Catholics toward the papacy.

Douthat is just part of a much larger problem of lightweight, fact-free, and delusional thinking pervading American conservative discourse.

From obvious lies advanced by American Enterprise Institute “scholar” James Pethokoukis to outright fraud by Brent Bozell III (whose signed columns were written by an associate), my 2014 series showed the damage inflicted on American beliefs by faux conservatism. Bozell is now our ambassador to South Africa, a Trumpian insult to the Black leadership there.

When self-proclaimed conservative intellectuals fail to rigorously and thoroughly challenge their own, they foster universal mental laxity among all opinion writers. Actual conservatives would find this appalling, but for anti-democracy radicals posing as conservatives, especially those who just make stuff up or regurgitate what a cub reporter could establish is nonsense, it’s just Tuesday dinner.

David Cay Johnston, a former columnist for The National Memo, co-founded DCReport. He is a best-selling author, investigative journalist and former reporter for The New York Times, where he won a Pulitzer Prize in 2001. He teaches law and journalism at Rochester Institute of Technology.


Republicans Keep Pretending That Trump Will Bail Them Out In Midterm

Republicans Keep Pretending That Trump Will Bail Them Out In Midterm

The signs of a blue tsunami keep accumulating by the day, from 2025’s dramatic Democratic victories—where Democrats overperformed Kamala Harris’ 2024 numbers by eye-popping margins—to continued overperformances in special elections, to President Donald Trump himself acknowledging reality in his own authoritarian way.

“It's some deep psychological thing, but when you win the presidency, you don't win the midterms,” Trump mused, before making the leap to “when you think of it, we shouldn't even have an election.”

What’s funny is watching pundits and Republican operatives try to outthink gravity. Take New York Times columnist Ross Douthat, who repeatedly advised Republicans that the solution for a midterm election blowout is for Trump to stop being Trump.

Brilliant. Why didn’t anyone think of that?

On Wednesday night, Mark Halperin reported that the “senior Trump political command” delivered a sober midterm briefing to key Republicans, including Cabinet officials. Among the findings: voters care about the economy (groundbreaking!), and that “Trying to argue about wages being up will not help; voters have to feel it.” They also admitted that “Taking credit for closing the border does not resonate much”—a striking concession that immigration, once a Republican strength, isn’t saving them.

But the best part? Trump’s own campaign pollster, Tony Fabrizio, effectively admitted Trump can’t save Republicans either.

“He acknowledged that Donald Trump will do what he wants to do, say what he wants to say, not be data driven,” Halperin wrote. “Everyone else has to stay on message and be driven by the data. In effect, two separate but related campaigns.”

That’s patently absurd.

Republicans don’t get to divorce themselves from Trump’s chaos. His dominance over the party is absolute. He demands fealty, and they’ve delivered it. Those who stray—on tariffs, on Epstein, on anything—face his wrath. Trump is more interested in settling petty internal scores than deploying his war chest to protect vulnerable Republicans.

There are no “two separate but related campaigns.” Republican candidates can’t claim to care about affordability while Trump loudly proclaims it a “hoax.”

They can’t run on his message because it’s unpopular. They can’t run on his personality because he is hated. And they can’t rely on discipline because Trump doesn’t care—about data, about strategy, or about being a team player. He never has. Even his own political team isn’t pretending otherwise.

And this betrays the GOP’s core insurmountable challenge heading into what will be a political bloodbath for Republicans: Trump can’t help them, and he’s actually a liability.

So while that meeting at least acknowledged the damage Trump is doing to the GOP’s midterm chances—to the point that they’re trying to construct a parallel campaign strategy separate from their albatross—a new story from Axios found Republicans either pretending none of this is happening, or with their heads fully submerged in the sand.

The story on the GOP’s midterm woes starts honestly enough.

“While it is tempting for many in our party to wish away these results,” a GOP operative told Axios, “the pattern is clear that there is at least a current 10-point Democratic over-performance from Trump 2024—and it’s built on a fired-up Democratic base and a sleepy GOP base.”

Axios also notes that Republican strategists admit Trump’s handling of the Epstein files has “turned off parts of his MAGA base, while energizing Democrats and anti-GOP independents.” Left unsaid: Trump’s starring role in those files isn’t helping either.

Still, denial is a powerful drug.

“Let’s not pretend a couple of low-turnout special elections suddenly signal a political earthquake,” said Mason Di Palma, communications director for the Republican State Leadership Committee. Kudos to Di Palma for not hiding behind anonymity, even if he’s hiding behind a convenient strawman.

No one is arguing that “a couple of low-turnout special elections” alone are driving predictions of a coming Republican apocalypse. Take the shocking Texas state senate Democratic pickup: the electorate was 51 percent Republican, and the GOP candidate still got just 43 percent of the vote—in a district Trump carried by 17 points. That’s a 34-point swing. Democrats were only 35 percent of the electorate, yet their candidate won with 57 percent.

You don’t get that kind of shift from low turnout and a depressed GOP base. You get it from defections.

And no, it’s just not a couple of special elections. We have last year’s dramatic Democratic victories, which were anything but “low-turnout.” Trump himself is openly musing about canceling midterms because the party in power almost always gets hammered. Even solidly red Iowa is changing its laws to weaken its own governor ahead of an election where Democrats have a real shot at winning that seat.

But cut that guy some slack; he’s paid to be optimistic. Much worse are the anonymous sources that showered the Axios reporter with ridiculous hopium.

“[Some Republicans] note that Trump's cash-flush political operation didn't aggressively work to turn out the president's supporters in any of the recent elections—something it'll do in U.S. House and Senate elections this November,” reported Axios. “They also point out that Trump plans to hit the trail aggressively, which they believe will help to turn out his supporters.”

Was that mythical turnout machine just sitting it out last year?

And here’s the deeper problem: When Republicans themselves are defecting, higher turnout doesn’t necessarily save you—but it can actually help Democrats. We saw a version of this in 2024, when Democratic turnout operations inadvertently brought new Trump-leaning Latino and young voters to the polls. GOTV is a blunt instrument, and it doesn’t come with ideological guarantees.

Even if Republicans mobilize their evangelical base, traditionally the focus of their GOTV efforts, that won’t counteract erosion among suburban voters, independents, and soft Republicans. And given Trump’s habit of using his cash to settle internal scores rather than build coalitions, the idea of a finely tuned turnout juggernaut feels more like fantasy than strategy.

As for Trump hitting the campaign trail, what could possibly energize Democrats more in an anti-incumbent, anti-GOP environment than a deeply unpopular president parachuting into competitive districts to rant about gilded ballrooms and golf courses before declaring affordability a hoax? Democrats will beg for Trump to show his toxic face anywhere near swingable voters.

Remember, Trump’s own pollster admits that his client will “do what he wants to do, say what he wants to say, not be data driven.” Which competitive district will that help?

So yes, things are tough for Republicans, and the man they insist is their savior is the very weight dragging them under.

Couldn’t happen to a worse bunch.

Markos Moulitsas is founder and editor of the blogging website Daily Kos and author of three books.

Reprinted with permission from Daily KosReprinted with permission from Daily Kos


Did Feminism 'Fail' Women? Misogyny In The Trump Regime -- And The New York Times

Did Feminism 'Fail' Women? Misogyny In The Trump Regime -- And The New York Times

The 51st anniversary of the Equal Credit Act – the law that for the first time in history enabled women to be treated like adults and not minors, both financially and in the workplace – came and went last month with barely a whisper. Instead of acknowledging (much less celebrating) the anniversary of this seismic shift, New York Times opinion columnist Ross Douthat took to the airwaves with a radically different message.

At first his podcast was titled “Did Women Ruin the Workplace?” but that was quickly changed to something presumed to be slightly less enraging to female readers: “Did Liberal Feminism Ruin the Workplace?” Nevertheless, my Instagram feed has been exploding with videos and memes by irate women for over a week. If you haven’t listened to Douthat’s discussion with conservative writers Helen Andrews and Leah Libresco Sargeant, you can find everything you need to know in his opening statement: “Men and women are different… Should the right be trying to roll back the entire feminist era? Or is there a form of conservative feminism that corrects liberalism’s mistakes?”

This latest broadside against feminism is actually a gift, because it lays bare the misogyny in the current backlash. Helen Andrews’ polemic was published in Compact, a small conservative on-line magazine. In a gigantic leap backward to the zeitgeist of the 1950s, “The Great Feminization” makes the case that women have damaged workplace culture because of their feminine personality traits, like back-biting, gossiping, and over emoting. She relitigates the excesses of #MeToo (did Aziz Ansari deserve to be canceled because of a bad date?) and identifies women’s recent ascendency in some white-collar professions as the principal cause of the horrors of “wokism.”

Andrews claims that the “tipping point” of this malign feminization began when law schools became majority female in 2016, followed by medical schools in 2019. She dangles statistics that 80 percent of veterinary students and 75 percent of psychology PhD students are women -- not as a sign of women’s success, but as a threat to civilization. Even the staff of the New York Times, Andrews warns, became majority female in 2023. A slippery slope to a bitch-fest is the only possible next step.

Douthat and his guests seem to be completely oblivious of the fact that women’s rights – and even women’s lives – have been under direct assault since the dawn of Trump’s second presidency. Their intellectual framing of the search for causes of male frustration or discomfort in today’s workplace blithely "dick-washes" any and every glaring insult to the integrity of women’s hard-earned advancement.

Instead of the Trump administration’s war on women, Douthat argues that “liberal feminism” is a bigger threat, a notion he sums up with an offensively ignorant question: “What is wrong with existing feminism — liberal feminism — and how has it failed women?”

How has feminism in November 2025 failed women? Really, Ross? What rock have you been living under? Douthat never identifies these phantom feminists who are ruining women’s lives and emasculating the workplace. Clearly, he is a victim of historical amnesia. At 45, Douthat may be too young to realize that just 50 years ago, the only jobs available to women outside of the home were domestic work, secretary, teacher, nurse, or stewardess (with the latter fired at age 32 or if they got married).

Just one generation ago, the white male establishment presumed that women were intellectually inferior, physically weak, and in need of protection by the patriarchy. Before the 1974 Equal Credit Act, women could not get a credit card or a mortgage without the consent of a father or husband. Before 1970, women were less than four percent of all lawyers, seven percent of doctors, and one percent of engineers and scientists. Ninety-four percent of all gynecologists were male. Women earned only one third of all college degrees, and one in 10 Ph.D.’s. There were almost no tenured female college professors, and only nine percent of college varsity athletes were women. Women weren’t allowed to run the Boston Marathon until 1973, because male doctors thought their uteruses would collapse.

Prescription birth control wasn’t legal nationally until 1972, and before Roe v. Wade legalized abortion in 1973, at least 1,000 women died every year from botched back-alley abortions. At the New York Times, women were almost exclusively assigned to write for the fashion and the society pages. It wasn’t until after winning a class-action sex discrimination lawsuit that the first woman was allowed to become a copy editor. That was just 50 years ago, in 1975.

The second wave feminist movement (the first wave fought for suffrage 50 years earlier), destroyed the deeply entrenched misogynistic barriers that denied women dignity, independence, and power for thousands of years. Incredibly, these are the hard-earned victories that Douthat and Andrews are now arguing have “failed women.” They have found eager allies in the Trump administration.

Within hours of taking the oath of office last January 20, Donald Trump and his henchman Elon Musk immediately began to eviscerate laws, departments, and funding that promoted and protected women’s rights. It is safe to say that we are witnessing the biggest anti-feminist backlash since the start of the second wave feminist movement in the 1960s and ‘70s. Following Project 2025, the Heritage Foundation’s Christian nationalist playbook, the Trump administration has drastically cut funding for women’s health care, reproductive care, and medical research. It has eliminated women’s civil rights protections in education and employment, cut Medicaid, SNAP, and childcare funding.

Trump, a sex offender himself, has hired sex offenders, and pardoned others, while firing dozens of leading women career civil servants and many thousands of rank-and-file women in the federal work force.

The tidal wave of this administration’s anti-woman policies has swept through every government agency. Let’s just look at one aspect of its policy backlash: reproductive health. On day four of his presidency, Trump pardoned 23 convicted criminals (many of whom were in jail) who violently threatened and harassed patients and doctors at abortion clinics. He then froze federal funding for contraceptive care (Title X), which will shutter many Planned Parenthood clinics, and fired the entire staff of the Department of Health and Human Services’ Office of Population Affairs, eliminating their $300 million budget. And that’s just the beginning when it comes to the attack on women’s health.

Meanwhile, thanks to Trump’s hand-picked Supreme Court majority, forty-nine years of women’s constitutional right to abortion had already disappeared with the Dobbs decision in June 2022. Today, 41-percent of American women of childbearing age (15 to 45) live in states with abortion bans. Just like racial segregation before the 1960s, Jane Crow is now the law of the land in 16 states in the American South, Midwest, and West.

The problem in those states isn’t just access to abortion care; the ban has an impact on every aspect of reproductive care. If a woman has a miscarriage in one of the 16 ban states, she is unlikely to get the medical attention she needs and could bleed out, get sepsis, become infertile, or even die. We already know of two women who have died in Georgia and three in Texas because their miscarriages weren’t treated.

These states are also becoming reproductive health care deserts. Idaho has lost 20 percent of its obstetrician/gynecologists and there is only one high-risk pregnancy specialist in the entire state. Pregnant women in Idaho now routinely purchase special insurance in case they have to be medevacked out of the state for a medical emergency. Applications to medical residency programs at University of Texas, Vanderbilt, Emory, and Washington University are down 20 percent. Those future doctors must be asking themselves, why risk criminal prosecution?

But Douthat and his podcast guests still insist that feminism is a greater danger to women than Trump. Andrews waxes on about how “wokeness” is “shutting down conversations, intruding politics into spheres that had previously been neutral — importantly neutral.” Bafflingly, she adds, “Pillars of civilization — neutrality, things like the rule of law — were suddenly subject to politicization in a way that was really, really harmful.”

She is saying this with a straight face, and yet she neglects to mention that freedom of speech is under threat in America today. Universities are losing billions of dollars in research funding if they don’t comply with draconian demands by the administration to control their curriculum, student admissions policies, and faculty hiring practices. The Trump administration is “shutting down conversations,” and “intruding politics into spheres” when it comes to science by terminating more than $7 billion in federal research grants to over 600 colleges and Universities. Any kind of research bearing a hint of “diversity, equity, or inclusion” has been summarily cancelled. As for freedom of speech, scores of foreign students have been deported for expressing their political beliefs and thousands of books have been banned, if only for the crime of being written by or about women, LGBTQ, or Black people.

This is our new and truly virulent cancel culture, Ross. Let’s not blame it on “the feminists.”

Clara Bingham is the author most recently of The Movement: How Women’s Liberation Transformed America1963-1973.

Did The January 6 Coup Fail?

Did The January 6 Coup Fail?

January 6 should have been the point of no return, the pivot point at which even the most blinkered sugar-coaters of Trumpism recoiled in disgust from what they had wrought.

For everyone who had convinced themselves that, whatever Trump's flaws, the true threat to the American way of life lay on the left and only on the left, January 6 was a blaring klaxon. Yes, he was a buffoon and incompetent and unfamiliar with the levers of power — and yet this clown nearly brought a 244-year-old democracy to its knees.

The most threatening aspect of January 6 was not the ferocious attack on the Capitol but the response of Republican officeholders thereafter. Even after the unleashing of medieval mob violence, 147 Republican members of Congress voted not to certify Joe Biden as the winner of the presidency. The transformation of the GOP from a political party into an authoritarian personality cult became official that day.

In the year since, most Republicans (with some extremely honorable exceptions) have descended further into cultishness. They blocked the creation of an independent January 6 commission, attempted to pack the congressional January 6 committee with Trump Dobermans like Rep. Jim Jordan, and engaged in flagrant gaslighting about the events of that day. Now, with the arrival of the first anniversary of the most shameful day in recent history, Republicans and right-wing opinion leaders returned to their comfort zone: Blame the media.

Former Vice President Mike Pence, who showed uncharacteristic independence that day, has retreated to media bashing. "I know the media wants to distract from the Biden administration's failed agenda by focusing on one day in January," he told Fox News.

Radio host Erick Erickson tweeted that "there is a genuine obsession in the press about it. It was a bad day, but it doesn't outweigh crime, inflation, COVID, school closures, etc. for voters." Erickson was at pains to emphasize that he isn't now minimizing what happened at the Capitol, but merely responding to a "press corps obsessed with it as the worst thing ever."

This is not to say that there's no such thing as press overreaction or hysteria, but the right has been engaging in evasion for years with the "but the media" trope. In the wake of January 6, it looks not just dishonest but absurd. January 6 is not an "issue" like crime or COVID-19 or inflation. It's the heart of our system. Without bipartisan allegiance to the verdict of voters and the willingness to cede power to those you oppose, no other "issues" can ever be addressed.

Encounter Books editor Roger Kimball mocked the gravity of January 6. "Was it an effort to overthrow the government? Hardly." The trouble, of course, is the media: "To listen to the establishment media and our political masters, the January 6 protest was a dire threat to the very fabric of our nation."

In fact, Kimball claims, the media narrative amounts to a "January 6 insurrection hoax" to pair with the "Russia collusion hoax."

Unlike some of those cited above, New York Times columnist Ross Douthat is not an apologist for Trumpism. He doesn't blame the media, but he doubts that Trump has the wherewithal to subvert our system. Yes, Trump did try to steal the election, Douthat writes, but the courts and state legislatures failed to do his bidding.

That's a comforting thought, but it fails to grapple with two things. One is the GOP's systematic purging of officials who did the right thing in the 2020 election. Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger has been removed from the board overseeing election certification and is being primaried, as is Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp. Across the country, Republican officials who stood in the breach when it counted and did the right thing are being hounded from office. Members who voted to impeach are resigning or close to resigning.

It's true that Trump didn't quite know where the pressure points were last time, but he's learning. He has supported secretary of state candidates who deny the validity of the 2020 result in four swing states. Meanwhile, Republican-controlled legislatures in a number of states have passed laws withdrawing power over election certification from local election administrators and handing it to legislatures.

But the most profound reason to fear a repeat of something like January 6 is that Trump has corrupted the minds of a substantial percentage of Republican party members.

The polls consistently show that about two-thirds of Republicans believe the Big Lie that the election was stolen. Nearly a third believe that "Because things have gotten so far off track, true American patriots may have to resort to violence in order to save our country." Among rank-and-file Republicans, January 6 is not even viewed as regrettable. One poll found that 52% identified those who entered the Capitol as "protecting democracy."Institutions are not self-sustaining. They are composed of people, and if people have lost faith in them or have given themselves permission to break the rules, they will crumble.

A people deluded and propagandized cannot be trusted to uphold the pillars of the democratic process. Trump failed at his improvised coup, but he succeeded in warping enough of the electorate to make another attempt — and even success — all too possible.

Mona Charen is policy editor of The Bulwark and host of the "Beg to Differ" podcast. Her most recent book is Sex Matters: How Modern Feminism Lost Touch with Science, Love, and Common Sense. To read features by other Creators Syndicate writers and cartoonists, visit the Creators Syndicate webpage at www.creators.com.

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