Tag: democratic socialists of america
Is The DSA Actually Democratic? Or Are Its Candidates An Extremist Gift To MAGA?

Is The DSA Actually Democratic? Or Are Its Candidates An Extremist Gift To MAGA?

Should those of us who want to defeat the proto-fascists in charge of the Republican Party be worried about a few blue districts that have recently indulged their ids and voted for members of the Democratic Socialists of America? Yes. If their victories become a trend, it could sabotage the Democratic Party.

In a way, Democrats should be grateful to Trump. In the past 18 months, he has done all he can to alienate the swing voters who boosted him to victory in 2024. Young voters, black men and Hispanics are particularly disappointed. This is, or should be, a rare moment of hope for the opposition.

Yet it's almost as if a subset of Democratic primary voters rubbed their hands together and asked: "What can we do to improve the GOP's prospects? Let's vote for Democratic Socialist candidates like Claire Valdez, Darializa Avila Chevalier, Melat Kiros, and Janeese Lewis George!" The primary voters who chose those candidates have done Republicans a huge favor. Six months ago, Republicans had almost nothing to run on. Now, instead of attempting to explain high prices, a terrible war, an immigration crackdown that has shocked the conscience, and corruption beyond anything in American history, Republican candidates can and will put these DSA candidates in the front window as emblematic of the "communist" turn the Democrats are taking.

When one party has gone mad, it's understandable that some in the other party feel radicalized, too. But that's a trap. In the first place, the GOP's idiocy opens an opportunity to win back some of the moderates Democrats have recently lost. But by embracing ideas that are on the fringes of American public opinion, Democrats risk further alienating swing voters.

Democrats don't have the same luxury as Republicans to indulge extreme ideas because the baseline political environment is moderately conservative. Gallup found in January that 35 percent of Americans call themselves conservative, 33 percent moderate and 28 percent liberal. Most Democrats recognize this balance. A May New York Times/Siena poll found that 52 percent of Democrats and those who lean toward the Democrats believe the party should move to the center to win the next presidential election.

Finally, in addition to the ideological makeup of the electorate, the Electoral College gives a structural advantage to small states that tends to help the GOP. As a result, Democrats need to win 60 percent of moderates in order to win presidential elections.

That's the pragmatic case. The substantive argument could fill volumes, but let's address a few issues.

Responding to the flurry of victories by DSA candidates, some complacent souls ask, "What's so bad about socialism? It's working well in Sweden."

That's a common misconception. Sweden implemented semi-socialist policies in the 1960s featuring extremely high taxes, government ownership of key industries, extensive regulation of the economy, and generous welfare benefits. But growth slowed, wages stagnated, debt accumulated, and in the early 1990s, the country experienced a terrible financial crash. In the short term, it spent as much as four percent of GDP and even nationalized two banks to prevent a financial collapse and save its banking sector — but the long-term reforms that followed focused more on fiscal discipline.

Johan Norberg has written convincingly of Sweden's post-crisis turn away from government control of markets:

"Public spending was reduced, and fiscal rules that lowered debt were introduced. Taxes were cut and abolished entirely on wealth, gifts, and inheritances. Business sectors were deregulated, government-owned enterprises privatized, and social security reformed.

"Sweden also became a pioneer in privatizing welfare services, giving citizens the freedom to choose private providers, including for-profit businesses, of elder care, health care, preschool, and education. Most notably, Sweden introduced a national school voucher system. The private sector now provides around a fifth of all tax-funded welfare services."

While Sweden has a high tax-to-GDP ratio and a very high top individual tax rate, it has a very low corporate tax rate and an average individual tax burden below the mean for OECD countries.

The stories of the other Nordic countries are similar — with the exception of Norway, which is both more capitalistic than its American reputation would suggest and a petrostate. In general, the highly egalitarian countries of Northern Europe are not socialist, but free-market, capitalist countries with large safety nets underwritten by high taxes on the middle class. Like the United States, they tax income, but they also levy high value-added taxes on consumption, which hit the middle class harder than American sales taxes do.

If it were possible to fund a generous welfare state by taxing only the rich, someone would have figured out how to do so. But France tried a millionaires tax and soon repealed it, as did Austria and Denmark with similar measures. Sure, we could raise taxes on the rich, but it's simply wrong to imagine, as Bernie Sanders tirelessly insists, they have enough to carry the load themselves. Even confiscating all the wealth of America's 800 or so billionaires wouldn't be enough to fund a more generous safety net for more than a year or so.

Some naive souls say: "We have nothing to fear from Democratic Socialists of America. After all, the word 'democratic' is in their name." A word about names. There is a spectrum of left-wing parties and ideologies. There are socialists who believe in and abide by democratic norms. They sit in parliaments throughout the world. But those who didn't live through the Cold War may not be aware that communist countries had a habit of calling themselves democratic and socialist.

It was the unfree East Germany whose official name was the German Democratic Republic. West Germany, which was actually democratic, was the Federal Republic of Germany. The USSR, the ur-communist nation, was the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. North Korea is formally the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, Yugoslavia was the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, and so on. The joke went around in those days that the easiest way to tell if a country was undemocratic was whether it had "democratic" in its name. Names can be deceiving.

The Democratic Socialists of America are not the Stasi or Juche zealots, but neither are they benign Nordic redistributionists. The DSA platform calls for abolishing the police and prison system; defunding the U.S. military entirely and closing all international military bases; ending sanctions on Cuba, Venezuela, Iran and other nations that have merely "acted independently of the United States"; replacing the presidency and Supreme Court with bodies chosen by Congress; instituting a 32-hour work week; canceling all student debt; and basically free everything: housing, healthcare, retirement and schooling. The DSA holds the United States and NATO responsible for Russia's invasion of Ukraine, Israel responsible for October 7, and capitalism responsible for every sparrow that falls anywhere in the world.

The DSA's political leadership is divided between a menshevik faction that supports something that could be fairly described as democratic socialism, and a bolshevik faction that is avowedly communist — though itself split among Marxists, Marxist-Leninists, Maoists, Trotskyists, and various other flavors. The structure of the DSA is as convoluted as any communist party's, but in toto, the communists seem to be dominating. And while their economic views are mockable, the implications of communist sympathies are dead serious.

Unlike socialists, communists do not believe in democracy. There has never been a communist country that delivered prosperity or freedom to its people. On the contrary, communism is an assault on human rights and human dignity. Communist regimes claim to take power from oligarchs or royalists or capital, but in fact they always and without exception take power from the people. They abolish not just free exchange of goods and services but free expression, religious observance, artistic freedom, the right to vote, the right to travel — and, by the way, the right of workers to organize. Past proletarian paradises had to erect walls and shoot people to keep them inside. In the words of George Orwell, "A boot stamping on a human face — forever."

The Democratic Party has a long history of misinterpreting or being blind to the abuses of communism. But from the founding of Americans for Democratic Action in 1947 by Eleanor Roosevelt, Reinhold Niebuhr, Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. and others, to the exclusion of communist-dominated unions from the CIO, to the marginalization of Henry Wallace, Democrats took decisive steps to keep the far left at bay. And while some Democrats in the post-Vietnam era took a "no enemies to the left" approach to foreign policy, they got over it when the Berlin Wall fell and the reality of the communist oppression became indisputable.

Today, only six percent of Democrats label themselves as socialists. Rachel Janfaza, who studies Generation Z and has interviewed hundreds of young voters, has yet to find a single one who identifies as a Democratic Socialist.

The vibes may be exciting, especially because New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani's smiling face disguises the authoritarianism of the movement that nurtured him, but if Democrats are going to win this year and in 2028, they must reject the DSA. If you're tempted by a Democratic Socialist this year, think of what use Republicans will make of these victories, and ask yourself whether you want to do favors for fascists.

Mamdani's 2028 Bombast Doesn't Bode Well For National Democrats

Mamdani's 2028 Bombast Doesn't Bode Well For National Democrats

Yes, Mayor Zohran Mamdani's socialist picks just knocked off some Democratic incumbents in New York City. They included surprising defeats, especially that of Rep. Adriano Espaillat, chair of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus. Espaillat lost to Darializa Avila Chevalier, whose social media swims with past calls to abolish the police, free prisoners and stop deportations for any reason, presumably including murder.

It's not like Espaillat's district was dominated by the young professionals who flocked to Mamdani. His electorate is 52 percent Hispanic and includes such non-hipster neighborhoods as Harlem, Washington Heights, and parts of the Bronx.

Nonetheless, Mamdani may have seriously misread the national mood when he said right before the primaries: "When does the race for 2028 begin? It starts now." That was an awesome display of grandiosity for a guy who didn't get even 50% of the vote even though he was the official Democratic candidate in a very Democratic city.

The New York primaries may indeed be kicking off the presidential contest in 2028, but not in a way Democrats would like. Look at recent history. Backlash against Donald Trump's erratic governing style returned control of the House to the Democrats in 2018. Similar forces helped Joe Biden to take the presidency from Trump two years later.

The Democratic left sold these results as a thumbs-up for its radical agenda. But those same views — things like defunding police and obsession with transgender issues — turned off the middle America voters who gave Biden his win in 2020.

Two years later, Republicans retook the House majority by weaponizing the dumbest things left-wingers had said. Similar dynamics powered Trump's return to the presidency in the 2024 election. It is dangerous to assume that disgust with Trump translates into a desire to stop immigration enforcement.

The recently elected Mamdani, meanwhile, is enjoying an overly long honeymoon. The reality is sure to overtake the massive publicity he attaches to the smallest of achievements. New Yorkers are noticing that there are still no free buses, as promised. The rents are not frozen. And universal childcare has not happened. Mamdani has also antagonized the financial business leaders, jeopardizing the prospects of the young grads seeking white-collar jobs, that is, much of his base.

Democrats seeking victories in the heartland should fear having the excesses of coastal socialists hanging around their neck. The veteran New York political analyst Errol Louis described the dangers New York's far left pose to the Democrats' future. As an anchor at Spectrum News NY1, he has interviewed them all.

"They've got some ideas that will not sell in Des Moines or in, you know, Cleveland," Louis said. Their strategists tell him that they're "gonna fight, fight, fight ... get themselves arrested, introduce legislation, whether or not it has a chance of getting a hearing or ever becoming law."

Barack Obama understands well the radicals' lack of appeal outside choice urban corridors. He's called out affluent progressives who think they earn halos by pushing polices deemed to help the less fortunate but end up costing Democrats at the polls. They can embrace left-liberal politics without personally paying a price, Obama said last year. "You could still make a lot of money. You could still hang out in Aspen and Milan and travel and have a house in the Hamptons and still think of yourself as a progressive."

Democrats have fine hopes that this year's midterms will deliver at least a House majority. The growing dislike of Trump puts wind in their sails.

Come the 2028 presidential contest, however, Trump will presumably not be running. But the Democrats' aggravating radicals will still be at it. If the race for 2028 starts now, Democrats should be concerned.

Froma Harrop is an award winning journalist who covers politics, economics and culture. She has worked on the Reuters business desk, edited economics reports for The New York Times News Service and served on the Providence Journal editorial board.

Reprinted with permission from Creators.

Zohran mamdani

Mamdani's Big Night In New York Primary Stokes Conservative Political Fantasies

With his endorsement driving three insurgent challengers to victory in New York’s Democratic congressional primaries on June 23, Mayor Zohran Mamdani proved again that his combination of social media and community organizing wields big power – especially in a primary contest. But conservatives who fantasize that the socialist cohort will now seize control of the Democratic Party are likely to be disappointed by the full primary results.

Two of Mamdani’s victorious choices are indeed members of the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA): Darializa Avila Chevalier, an activist and graduate student who defeated Rep. Adriano Espaillat in northern Manhattan, and Claire Valdez, a state assembly member who won the nomination to succeed retiring Rep. Nydia M. Velázquez in Brooklyn.

Former City Comptroller Brad Lander, Mamdani’s third pick, is not affiliated with DSA. but was supported by many of its members in his landslide victory over Rep. Dan Goldman, whose district straddles parts of both Brooklyn and Manhattan.

Neither Mamdani nor DSA endorsed any candidate to succeed retiring Rep. Jerrold Nadler in Manhattan, where state assembly member Micah Lasher, a longtime Nadler aide, triumphed over a crowded field that included Jack Schlossberg, grandson of President John F. Kennedy, and Trump critic George Conway.

All of the Democratic nominees in the city are viewed as certain to win election in November.

Despite gleeful Republican claims that gleefully warned that the DSA’s big night in New York will slap a “socialist” label on the national Democratic Party, results in other districts showed no such leftward lurch. Just north of the city in Westchester County, Cait Conley, a military veteran and former national security official, easily defeated a pair of rivals who ran to her left and sought to portray her as the “establishment” choice. Conley will now face incumbent Republican Mike Lawler, a top Democratic target who attempted to manipulate Democrats into nominating one of the “more progressive” alternatives.

In Maryland, Democrats chose Adrian Boafo, a Prince Georges County legislator, from among nearly two dozen candidates seeking to succeed retiring Rep. Steny Hoyer, a longtime party leader in the House. Boafo benefited from heavy spending by cryptocurrency interests and the American Israel Political Action Committee, whose machinations have drawn criticism from many Democrats in the wake of Israel’s war in Gaza.

Popular Maryland Gov. Wes Moore crushed a primary bid by a more liberal challenger, and Rep. April McClain Delaney beat back a comeback bid by former Rep. David Trone, with the support of most of the state’s Democratic officeholders.

And in Utah, former Rep. Ben McAdams had little trouble fending off a challenge from a state senator backed by Sen. Bernie Sanders, Vermont’s famed socialist Independent. McAdams won the primary to represent a redrawn Salt Lake City district that looks certain to elect a Democrat in November.

The socialist victories in the New York primary provoked some excited comparisons to the House Freedom Caucus, where once-fringe elements in the Republican Party bedevil thir Congressional leadership. But assuming that all of the socialist Democrats nominated on Primary Night join a Democratic majority next January, their ranks will increase to three or four in a caucus of 218-plus members. (They probably cannot count on the increasingly pragmatic New York Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, despite her DSA branding, to support their more exotic ideological excursions.) The Freedom Caucus currently counts more than 30 members, an order of magnitude larger.

Socialism, whatever that may now mean, isn't yet taking over the Democratic Party. let alone America.

Should Mainstream Democrats Primary AOC?

Should Mainstream Democrats Primary AOC?

When will mainstream Democrats start fighting back? When will they stop playing nice with a left fringe that regards them, not Republicans, as the opposition, if not the enemy?

Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez's threat to kill President Joe Biden's hard-fought infrastructure deal should have been a last straw.

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