Tag: undocumented workers
Dairy Farmers, In Dire Need Of Workers, Feel Helpless As Immigration Reform Sours

Dairy Farmers, In Dire Need Of Workers, Feel Helpless As Immigration Reform Sours

By Tina Susman, Los Angeles Times (TNS)

HOMER, N.Y. — When Mike McMahon’s Latino employees need to go to the bank, the pharmacy, or the grocery store, he makes sure someone drives them to town, waits while they run errands, and then brings them safely back to his dairy farm.

Even then, there is no guarantee law enforcement in their small, rural community won’t spot the workers, ask for their IDs, and put them on a path toward deportation if they cannot prove they are here legally. It is a risk that dairy farmers in this agricultural region have faced for years, but it is hitting them harder as immigration reform languishes in Washington and the nation’s demand for milk-heavy products like Greek yogurt soars.

“It’s just crazy,” said McMahon, who has several hundred cows at his farm more than 200 miles north of New York City.

“I’m a lifelong Republican,” he said, shaking his head. “But I’m telling you, there are days when I think about switching.”

McMahon and other dairy farmers in central and upstate New York are in a quandary. On one hand, farms have thrived because of several factors, including the popularity of yogurt in recent years and drought in other milk-producing countries. At the same time, they are battling to find the reliable, year-round labor that 24/7 milking operations require.

Locals won’t do the dirty, manual jobs, farmers say, and immigration laws limit farmers to importing only seasonal agricultural employees. That does not help dairy farmers, who need year-round workers.

“The nation’s food system is at risk if we can’t get this fixed,” McMahon said one chilly day as scores of cows stood placidly in his farm’s milking parlor, which was pungent with the smell of manure. Workers went up and down the rows, checking to see that cows’ teats were attached to the metal milking machines.

In February, Dean Norton, a dairy farmer who is president of the New York Farm Bureau, traveled to Washington to argue for reform, including a guest-worker program catering to dairy farmers. At this point, though, given the partisan divide in Washington, few people expect to see change any time soon.

“Less than 15 percent, and that’s probably a high number,” Norton said when asked the chances of dairy farmers getting help from lawmakers.

The dairy farmers have seen some relief lately because of a slowdown in milk demand. They attribute this to several things, including the stronger dollar, which makes U.S. milk more expensive to overseas buyers, and stockpiles of milk from China. But fluctuations in milk prices and demand are cyclical, and Norton said as long as things like cottage cheese and yogurt grow in popularity, so will dairy farmers’ labor woes.

Without new immigration laws, he and other farmers say, the nation will lose dairy producers because farmers will switch to growing crops whose workers are eligible for temporary guest-worker visas.

“The U.S. dairy industry absolutely cannot survive without this,” said Dale, a dairy farmer who has moved toward robotic milking to avoid the labor problem. Like many dairy farmers, he did not want his full name or his farm’s name used because he was concerned that immigration officials would target his business.

Robotics are too expensive for most farmers; each machine costs about $250,000. They also cannot do the tasks that farmers say humans must handle, including cleaning teats and udders, and basic farm maintenance.

The problem has simmered for years, but it became more urgent with the Greek yogurt boom since yogurt maker Chobani’s arrival in upstate New York in 2005. Seven years later, New York was the nation’s yogurt capital, surpassing California to become the number one producer. That success was fueled in large part by the demand for Greek yogurt, which is denser and creamier than regular yogurt.

“You’ve got to have really, really good milk. That’s the key to great yogurt,” Chobani spokesman Michael Gonda said as he led a visitor through the Chobani factory in the hamlet of New Berlin.

In a 150,000-square-foot warehouse, which is kept at a steady 34 degrees, more than 1.5 million cases of yogurt in flavors ranging from the usual, like strawberry and blueberry, to the unusual, like green tea, waited to be shipped to retailers. Machines worked at dizzying speeds, slapping labels on white yogurt cups that made their way via conveyor belts into filling rooms. There, more machines squirted fruit into each cup and topped the fruit with dollops of creamy, white yogurt.

Chobani is now one of more than 40 yogurt producers in the state, and it is by far the largest. In 2000, the state had about 14 yogurt processing plants.

Dairy farmers say the yogurt boom has been a blessing. “It happened overnight,” said Dale, who watched the state’s dairy industry shrink through the 1980s and ’90s. “All of a sudden, New York had all these great yogurt things going on.”

He and McMahon said they tried to stick to local labor but succumbed to hiring migrant workers as their workloads increased.

Both men, and Norton, blame the problem more on attitudes than on economics. McMahon, for example, said his farmworkers all started at $2,000 a month and get a three-bedroom house plus utilities and other benefits. Even so, McMahon said attempts to hire locals have failed.

“Nobody wants to go out there and deal with cows and get manure up their sleeves,” said McMahon, who once advertised three straight weeks to find workers. Three locals applied, and only one worked out, he said. He now depends on Latino workers, most of them members of an extended family from Mexico.

Keeping them safe from immigration is a constant concern. Anyone obviously foreign-born sticks out in these largely white communities. The area is about 100 miles from the U.S.-Canada border, and there is a 360-bed immigration detention center in the region.

Mary Jo Dudley, who heads the Cornell Farmworker Program at Cornell University, said in a report in October that the state would need more than 2,200 additional farmworkers and about 100,000 more cows to ensure the steady production of sufficient milk to satisfy yogurt makers’ needs.

“Most people think of border and immigration issues as happening in the Southwest, but it’s a real issue up here,” said Dudley, who regularly visits dairy farms and hears stories from farmers and their workers about the latest detentions and scares.

McMahon told of one trusted worker, Antonio, who got word from his wife in Mexico that their young son had a brain tumor. He was desperate to visit them, so McMahon gave him some cash, wished him luck and let him go. Antonio was caught in Brownsville, Texas. By the time he was deported, his son had died.

McMahon hasn’t seen Antonio since and does not expect to, because of the cost of hiring coyotes to guide people over the southern border.

“I pray to God Jeb Bush is our next president,” McMahon said, “because he’s married to a Mexican woman. He gets it.”

Photo: Tina Susman via Los Angeles Times/TNS

5 Reasons The GOP Should Commit ‘Suicide’ And Pass Immigration Reform Now

stopamnesty
Republicans are in search of an excuse to do nothing about immigration reform and leave 11 million undocumented workers toiling in the shadows.

The centrist excuse for doing nothing comes from The New York Times‘ Ross Douthat, who points out that immigration remains a low priority for voters, even Latino voters. Providing any form of legalization that allows some of those 11 million to work is essentially “amnesty,” which would be bad for wages and the job market. Even worse — it would divide the GOP and “hand President Obama a policy victory at a time when he looks like a lame duck, and demoralize the right along the way.”

The more bald-faced and craven argument comes from Ann Coulter. Her argument boils down to: Why should people who won’t vote for us be given rights?

And it’s echoed by right-wing firebrands like TownHall’s Kurt Schlichter, who calls reform a “suicide pact.”

Coulter cites statistics that show Latino and Asian voters tend to favor “big government” policies and will help create a permanent Democratic majority. The subtext of this argument is: Because Republicans know we cannot win over voters with our policies, millions of people should live third-class lives.

Both of these arguments are concerned only with the well-being of the Republican Party — which is ironic given that the one piece of advice the party gave itself after Mitt Romney’s loss was to get immigration reform out of the way.

If the GOP is looking for the right time to implement immigration reform, it was 2007 — or last summer. But in both instances the party was being held captive by the same base that pushed for the government shutdown and has no interest in the kinds of policies that actually win national elections.

Here are five reasons the GOP should admit the border is more secure than it has been in decades and act now on immigration reform. Or it can pin its hopes on voter suppression and other tactics that will hasten its long-term demise.

Photo: Fibonacci Blue via Flickr

You Can’t Get Half-Pregnant With Immigration Reform

latinovote

In 2004, George W. Bush led his party to its best performance with Latino voters in decades with 44 percent. Just four years later, John McCain’s share of the Latino vote was smaller than Bush’s, at 31 percent. The senator had been an active supporter of immigration reform, but when it collapsed, he became “Mr. Build That Dang Fence.” Mitt Romney took it a step further by becoming “Mr. Self-Deportation” and only won 27 percent of the Latino vote. McCain and Romney both lost.

Republicans think dabbling in immigration reform and caving to the base at the last minute can avoid the political perils of passing it — even though history has shown the opposite to be true.

Image: Chris Cillizza

Stop Thinking About 2014

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An aggregate of national polls shows Democrats lead Republicans in a generic congressional ballot by 4.5 percent, significantly less than the minimum 6.8 percent margin experts estimate would be required for the GOP to lose its majority. Republicans are currently projected to win about five seats and have about a 1 percent chance of losing the House.

Unless the party starts forming a conga line behind Senator Ted Cruz (R-TX), it will keep its majority. With this one act of outreach — after the primary deadline, of course — Republicans in Congress could dramatically increase their chances of working with a Republican president at some point in their career.

Image: CookPolitical.com

The Debate Can Only Get Uglier And Doom 2016

tedcruzsmiles

 

Speaking of Ted Cruz… there’s no one who would more love to see reform fail and become an issue in the 2016 GOP primary.

Mitt Romney only adopted “self-deportation” to move to the right of Governor Rick Perry (R-TX). Given the base’s fixation on building walls and posturing against immigrants, allowing this sentiment to dominate the primaries would make the GOP toxic to the groups it needs to win over.

“If Republicans wait until 2015 to tackle this issue, that puts a very emotional and controversial issue right in the middle of the Republican presidential selection process,” veteran GOP pollster Whit Ayres told The Washington Post‘s Greg Sargent. “The opportunity for demagoguery will be exceedingly prevalent if we wait that long.”

And if the GOP waits, it will face a whole new dilemma.

Photo: jbouie via Flickr

Forcing President Obama’s Hand On Deportations Will Backfire

Obama state of the union

The reason Republicans have been freaking out about executive orders has nothing to do with executive orders. They love executive orders. Mitt Romney and Rep. Paul Ryan (R-WI) vowed to repeal as much of Obamacare as they could with executive orders. What they’re afraid of is what the president will do with an executive order if they refuse to pass immigration reform.

MSNBC’s Benjy Sarlin explains:

For years, activists have pressed Obama to halt deportations for immigrants that would likely be legalized under a new immigration reform law. In 2012, the president partially heeded their demands and granted temporary protection to young unauthorized immigrants, known as DREAMers. But he has told activists since then, including a DREAMer who heckled him in November at a rally, that he lacks the authority to go any further.

On Friday, he took a question during a Google+ hangout from a woman who wanted to know whether, given Obama’s State of the Union remarks, he would be willing to use “executive authority to halt deportations which have been ripping families apart until Congress passes a comprehensive immigration reform.”  While Obama said he was “modestly optimistic” Congress would reach an agreement, he didn’t exactly rule out revisiting the deportations issue, either.

If the president does decide to take executive action to delay deportations, this will enrage the right — even though Obama has deported far more undocumented workers than George W. Bush. That uproar from the right demanding that law-abiding people be deported could help the GOP bring the 27 percent of the Latino vote it got in 2012 closer to the 8-12 percent of the African-American vote it consistently earns.

AFP Photo/Jewel Samad

This Is The Best Chance To Get A Deal That The GOP Favors

Paul Ryan

House Republicans know that the immigration reform bill that passed the Senate last summer could pass the House, if it got a vote. That’s why it won’t.

Instead, their plan — with its “no special path to citizenship” — is the best hope of getting reform that focuses on measures to secure the border while using systems like E-Verify to significantly reduce employers’ reliance on undocumented workers. The House Leadership hasn’t decided if it’s willing to embrace some form of legalization while these triggers are being assessed. If they don’t — and leave 11 million people in limbo — reform is dead.

Paul Ryan is preparing for such an outcome by proffering a flimsy excuse based on not trusting Obama with laws — even though that doesn’t stop them from passing laws that regulate women’s health and deregulate polluters.

And the next time it’s considered, Republicans may not have control of either house of Congress.

Photo: Gage Skidmore via Flickr