Tag: new york city
Going Nowhere, Or Learning To Ignore The Plutocrats Who Cried 'Commie!'

Going Nowhere, Or Learning To Ignore The Plutocrats Who Cried 'Commie!'


The reaction of plutocrats to the Zohran Mamdani campaign — histrionic freakout before the mayoral election, with promises to flee New York City if he won, followed by a big “never mind” when he did — can teach us a couple of things.


First, ignore billionaires when they threaten to take their marbles and go home. The big money always responds to threats of tax hikes, or even mere verbal criticism, by threatening to go all Ayn Rand and move to Galt’s Gulch. In reality, they won’t even move to Florida.

You may recall that a couple of years ago there was a lot of talk about how the financial industry was going to flee blue-state taxes and wokeness and move to Miami. And to be fair, some companies did move. Notably, Ken Griffin, a hedge-fund billionaire and a big Trump backer, made a splash when he did indeed move the global headquarters of Citadel and Citadel Securities from Chicago to Miami.

But the second headline above comes from a CNBC report on remarks from top commercial real estate executives, who see Mamdani having little impact on booming demand for offices in New York. This includes plans by Griffin to rent substantial space in a new building at 350 Park Avenue. “Ken is committed and will have more employees at 350 Park than in Miami,” said one executive.

Why won’t plutocrats flee New York? For one thing, they’re not stupid (although they were hoping that voters were.) Mamdani might — might — be able to raise their taxes a bit. But they don’t really believe that free buses and city-run grocery stores will turn one of America’s safest cities into a post-apocalyptic landscape. And New York will retain formidable advantages thanks to agglomeration economies — the advantages of locating a business where many other related businesses are concentrated.

As Bloomberg put it,

For workers in finance and a range of other industries, no technology has so far replaced New York’s longstanding specialty, the face-to-face chat. In-person meetings remain essential for sniffing out who you can trust, what deals might be brewing and which rumors to believe. And from Wall Street to the United Nations, nowhere pulls together more gossip and more elite decision-makers.

This isn’t just a New York strength. There was a West Coast analog to the hype about Miami becoming the new Wall Street: For a while there was a lot of chatter about Silicon Valley fleeing California’s taxes and regulations by decamping to Austin. But the Austin boom has fizzled as companies that moved there found that not being located in a giant tech hub put them at a disadvantage compared with their competitors.

New York also happens to be a great place to live if you can afford housing — which the wealthy can. The central city has much higher effective population density than any other city in America, which in turn supports a range of amenities — restaurants, shops, museums, shows and concerts, and more — that you can’t find anywhere else. This doesn’t matter to the ultrawealthy who use their wealth to wall themselves off in a private universe. But for the merely very, very rich, there’s no place like it. Bloomberg again:

For all the angst about New York City these days, it’s remarkable how well things are going. Broadway houses are fuller than ever. The subways are getting busier and safer. The population is rising again, and the city’s economy seems to have held up well this year as Wall Street pay soars and tax revenue comes in strong.

Now, New York isn’t such a great place to live if you aren’t very affluent. Why? The problem isn’t crime, which is historically low. Nor is it the large number of immigrants, who clearly make the city better in many ways. No, it’s all about affordability, especially the cost of housing.

Mamdani won his remarkable victory largely by promising to address affordability. Whether he can do much to improve it remains to be seen: A New York mayor has very limited power, and the obstacles to doing what needs to be done, above all building a lot more housing, are formidable.

But one problem Mamdani won’t face is a mass exodus of the people who yelled “Commie!” before the election. When will we learn not to take plutocratic whining seriously?

Paul Krugman is a Nobel Prize-winning economist and former professor at MIT and Princeton who now teaches at the City University of New York's Graduate Center. From 2000 to 2024, he wrote a column for The New York Times. Please consider subscribing to his Substack.

Reprinted with permission from Paul Krugman.

Defying Trump Threats, Mamdani Wins Historic Victory In New York Mayoral Race

Defying Trump Threats, Mamdani Wins Historic Victory In New York Mayoral Race

Democrat Zohran Mamdani, a 34-year-old democratic socialist, was projected by multiple news outlets to become New York City’s next mayor—an outcome that would have been unthinkable just a year ago.

He defeated disgraced former Gov. Andrew Cuomo, who ran as an independent after losing the Democratic nomination in June, and the GOP nominee, Curtis Sliwa, frequent New York candidate perhaps best known for his red beret and love of cats.

As of publication, Mamdani led with 50 percent of the vote to Cuomo’s 41 percent, with 75 percent of the expected vote counted, according to the Associated Press.

f the results hold, Mamdani’s victory would amount to a generational break from the city’s political establishment—and a humiliating defeat for Cuomo, the once-dominant governor who left office in disgrace and had been itching to claw his way back.

What started as a sleepy reelection bid for incumbent Mayor Eric Adams evolved into a full-blown political reckoning, reshaping the city’s political map and derailing Cuomo’s attempted comeback tour.

The path to this moment took a dramatic turn in late September, when Adams withdrew from the race amid plummeting approval ratings and ongoing scandals, including federal corruption probes. In late October, he endorsed Cuomo, hoping to persuade his small base of backers to support another scandal-plagued independent.

Yet Mamdani’s insurgent campaign didn’t falter. His message was steadfastly focused on the city’s cost-of-living crisis, with him proposing policies like rent freezes, higher taxes on the wealthy, free buses, and city-owned grocery stores. And clearly, it has resonated with voters. Despite facing millions in super PAC attacks as well as a well-funded establishment candidate, he built a devoted coalition of progressive activists, younger voters, and working-class New Yorkers.

By early voting, the race had become a clear test of which Democratic vision New Yorkers preferred. Cuomo leaned on the old-guard playbook, promising stability and toughness, while Mamdani ran as an insurgent pushing for big, structural changes.

Cuomo and his allies tried to frame Mamdani as untested and extreme, pointing to his pro-Palestinian activism and criticism of Israel. President Donald Trump and far-right billionaire Elon Musk also waded in, with both endorsing Cuomo on Monday.

Earlier this year, Trump falsely branded Mamdani a “communist,” and threatened to withhold federal funding if Mamdani enacted policies the president disagreed with. “Remember, he needs the money from me, as President, in order to fulfill all of his FAKE Communist promises,” Trump posted online in September. “He won’t be getting any of it.”

Right-wing news outlets also waged a war against Mamdani. Fox News aired segments suggesting he should be deported, while the New York Post churned out near-daily front page warnings of radical rule in City Hall. (Both outlets are owned by right-wing billionaire Rupert Murdoch.)

But the attacks seemed to only harden Mamdani’s base. His campaign mobilized a grassroots operation. Volunteers hit subway stations, organizers livestreamed rallies, and voters lined up at early-voting sites across the city—a wave of energy that recalled the campaign that propelled Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez to Congress seven years ago. Privately, Trump reportedly told allies he didn’t think Mamdani could be beaten, underestimating the candidate’s broad appeal.

Even as Mamdani’s rallies drew massive crowds, much of the Democratic establishment was hesitant to embrace him. House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries waited until late October to endorse him, while New York Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand and Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer never publicly supported his campaign. But that apparent caution strengthened Mamdani’s anti-establishment image, positioning him as the candidate of street-level energy and outsider momentum.

For months leading up to June’s Democratic primary, Cuomo led nearly every poll, but Mamdani closed the gap and won the party’s nomination, thanks to a surge of younger voters and working-class New Yorkers fed up with the status quo. By August, polls of the general election showed him overtaking both Cuomo and Sliwa as the Democratic base consolidated around their candidate.

Reprinted with permission from Daily Kos

No Fear: Why New Yorkers Are About To Elect A Democratic Socialist Mayor

No Fear: Why New Yorkers Are About To Elect A Democratic Socialist Mayor

One of the things I most look forward to this week is this: conservative columnists at The New York Times finally having to clam up what a disaster it will be to have a 34-year-old Democratic Socialist Zohran Kwame Mamdani become mayor of New York City.

It’s their job, I guess, as professional conservatives. But all the bitter rending of garments among those who want to see the Democratic Party remain an enfeebled centrist force at a moment that calls for change has not slowed the Mamdani Momentum. The man is non-stop. Over the weekend, Mamdani showed up at salsa classes, tai chi classes, and gay bars. He put out an Instagram post in Arabic. His campaign has knocked on 103,000 doors.

One reason we can be pretty sure that Mamdani, a kid who could have been written into history by Lin-Manuel Miranda, has it in the bag is that Donald Trump is already threatening collective punishment. In addition, The New York Post has already suggested that the election has been rigged by foreign actors. On October 22, Ariel Zilber wrote a fact-free story that the Chinese government has used TikTok to throw the election to Mamdani. Based on research done at Tel Aviv University that measures normal user engagement against aberrational activity, the researcher saw that “Political videos—especially those supporting Mamdani—were shared far more often than expected, while pro-Cuomo videos appeared less often.”

Color me skeptical, because I rarely share on TikTok. Yet, I have been sharing Mamdani videos, and I think others do too—because they are good! The campaign’s strategy seems to combine vibrant personal appearances with a beautifully crafted social media campaign, one that meets young voters where they live but captures the hearts of their elders as well. My favorite? Mamdani announcing that, in response to voter concern that he was only 33, he would pledge to turn 34 on his birthday.

How steep a hill is Cuomo (whose TikToks are depressing and dull) climbing at this point? At least one betting platform gives Mamdani a 44 percent chance of winning between 50-60 percent of the vote in a three person race. Professional prognostications are more modest, and predictably divergent, but the story about this election is clearly not “if” but “by how much?” Marist dropped a poll over the weekend that showed Mamdani’s lead declining to (wait for it!) 16 points. Other polls suggest that the first Muslim mayor in waiting may even be widening his lead. On the same day, Emerson College/PIX11/The Hill poll numbers showed Mamdani with a 25-point advantage over Cuomo.

All of which makes it important to point to the role that the Republican Guardian Angels co-founder, and world-famous cat lady Curtis Sliwa has played in blocking Cuomo’s political renaissance.

But Sliwa has also injected a measure of “nice” into the race that reminds us of a time when it didn’t seem like a catastrophe to elect a Republican. This, in turn, has caused many of us to not be able to forget what a horrible person Andrew Cuomo is. One thing the sexual harassment scandal that drove him from the governorship in 2021 accomplished was to reveal what everyone in Albany already knew: Cuomo is a bully and a horrible person who ruled the New York State Democratic Party with an iron fist. During the scandal, New Yorkers went from thinking Cuomo was a “son of a bitch—but our son of a bitch” to reminding us of every workplace bully we had ever known.

Unlike practically every other Republican, however, Sliwa has dissassociated himself from MAGA tactics. He is nice, and having two candidates in the race who exude good will and humor only emphasized how much New Yorkers do not want to live with a Democratic Party that behaves as Andrew Cuomo does. In fact, I can name a dozen Republicans I like better than Andrew Cuomo.

So, while some have called Sliwa a “spoiler” candidate, in truth, he is simply the candidate everyone likes even if they are not voting for him. By contrast, Cuomo’s fear-mongering, and his explicit alliances with billionaires and Trump supporters, have produced two responses among New York City Democrats who can’t bring themselves to vote for a Muslim socialist who won’t tie his campaign to Bibi Netanyahu’s war. Hold one’s nose and vote for an establishment Democrat running an establishment campaign; or vote for someone else.

That someone else is Curtis Sliwa (who, endearingly, is also running on the Protect Animals line.) “Look up Sliwa on TikTok or Instagram,” Shawn Griffiths wrote at Independent Voter News, “and there are countless videos from Mamdani supporters, in particular, who say they won’t vote for Sliwa, they disagree with him on policy, but they like him and feel that he represents a true New Yorker.” As one TikTok commenter put it: “I don’t want Sliwa to win, but I want him to run for everything.” More importantly, Republicans like him too, and remain unpersuaded by right-wing social media influencers that they should vote for an unlikable, dishonest, Democrat who puts his hands on women strange to him, to save their city from a communist threat that does not exist.

Sliwa explicitly rejects the MAGA political style and its rhetoric. “We have had socialists in elected office. We have had communists in the city council,” Sliwa said. “Somehow life went on. We survived it. It’s part of the political process. I don’t fear socialists. I don’t fear communists. I say, leave it to the people.”

Who knows, if the campaign was two years longer Sliwa might even win this thing! Emerson positions him as having gained 11 points since the last poll, which would translate to 21% of the vote. According to NBC New York, these gains put Sliwa “within striking distance of Cuomo for second place.” This also leads us to the conclusion that the more exposure New Yorkers have to Cuomo, the less they like him.

Finally, I would argue that Mamdani and Sliwa have three other things in common, other than being little rays of sunshine in an otherwise bleak political landscape. They both exude authenticity. They understand that New York is a city of neighborhoods, not demographics to be sliced and diced. Finally, they both embody a New York City, can-do, in-your-face, go anywhere campaign style that comes off as distinctly unmanufactured by professional campaign consultants. They remind most of us that the most iconic mayors—Fiorello LaGuardia, John Lindsay, and Ed Koch, who plunged into crowds with sleeves rolled up, and asked for voters’ support as if they really wanted it—were fun.

So, by this time on Wednesday, Zohran Kwame Mamdani will be the first Muslim and the first Democratic Socialist to be mayor of New York City.

And I am there for it.

Claire Bond Potter is a political historian who taught at the New School for Social Research. She is a contributing editor to Public Seminar and wrote the popular blog Tenured Radical from 2006 through 2015. Please consider subscribing to Political Junkie, her Substack newsletter.

Reprinted with permission from Political Junkie.

Rudy Giuliani

Rudy Giuliani Blasted For Misogynist And Racist Attack On Fani Willis

On Friday, June 6, former New York City Major Rudy Giuliani spoke at Grace Christian Church in Sterling Heights, Michigan as part of the far-right Christian nationalist ReAwaken America Tour. During the speech, Giuliani angrily railed against Fulton County, Georgia District Attorney Fani Willis and described her as "Fani the ho."

Mother Jones' Stephanie Mencimer posted video of Giuliani's speech on X, formerly Twitter.

Giuliani is among former President Donald Trump's co-defendants in Willis' election interference/RICO indictment, which is presently in limbo while courts examine her relationship with special prosecutor Nathan Wade — who has been removed from the case.

Many of Trump's allies have been arguing that because Willis had a romantic relationship with Wade, the case should be thrown out altogether. But Superior Court Judge Scott McAfee, although critical of Willis, ruled that the relationship did not constitute a full-fledged conflict of interest.

McAfee let Willis stay on the case. But McAfee's ruling has been appealed by Trump's legal team, and the case appears unlikely to go to trial before the 2024 presidential election in November.

Although Giuliani himself is Catholic — not evangelical — the ReAwaken America Tour is a far-right evangelical Christian nationalist/MAGA event that was founded by former National Security Adviser Michael Flynn in 2022 and has featured ultra-MAGA speakers like GOP operative Roger Stone and MyPillow CEO Mike Lindell.

On X, Giuliani has been drawing criticism for his attack on Willis.

Attorney Ray Moss tweeted, "As an attorney, an officer of the court, this kind of language is repugnant, about another member of the bar, @RudyGiuliani, Attorney Giuliani, especially where you were a Mayor and an officer in the federal legal system. Is this the kind of language you want in our national discourse? This hate speech is far below locker room talk."

Watch the full video below or at this link.

Reprinted with permission from Alternet.

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